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Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily

Volume XXII, No. 50 Friday, March 19, 2004
Founded in 1972 Produced at least 200 times a year
© 2004, Global Information System, ISSA


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Exclusive Special Report
New Kosovo Violence is Start of Predicted 2004 Wave of Islamist Operations: the Strategic Ramifications

Analysis. By Gregory R. Copley, Editor, GIS, with input from GIS Stations in Priština, Belgrade and elsewhere. The major wave of violence instigated in the Kosovo region of Serbia on beginning on about March 14, 2004, and escalating dramatically through March 18, 2004, is the start of the forecast series of unrest, guerilla warfare and terrorist activity planned by radical Islamist leaders in Bosnia, Albania, Iran and in the Islamist areas of Serbia, and directly linked with the various al-Qaida-related mujahedin and terrorist cells in the area.

Attempts have already been made to blame the violence on the very small Serbian population which remains in Kosovo, but this is not credible, and nor has the Serbian Government shown any enthusiasm to get involved in the situation.

Sources confirm that the violence, which began on March 17, 2004, and continued to escalate through March 18, 2004, is not an isolated expression of frustration, but, rather, part of a planned “season” of unrest designed explicitly to pull US and Western strategic focus away from Iraq, and to ensure that US and Western peacekeeping forces — which have been progressively diverted to Iraq operations and away from Kosovo and Bosnia — will need to be held in the Balkans. The purposes are multifold:

1. To remove US and Western focus on Iraq, thereby relieving pressure on Iran’s clerical leadership and helping to ensure the retention of Iranian capability to link, via Iraq, with Syria;
2. To demonstrate the failure of the Western “war on terror” and specifically to discredit those Western leaders who supported the war in the run-up to elections in the US and Australia;

3. To create a climate of instability around the Olympic Games, scheduled for August 2004 in Athens, and which feature as a major target for unrest and terrorism;

4. To consolidate Islamist control over parts of the Balkans, specifically the so-called “green transversal”1 belt which links the Adriatic Coast through Albania, FYR of Macedonia, the Serbian Kosovo and Metohija region, the southern Serbia/northern Montenegro Raška (Sandzak) region, through the Gorazde Corridor into Bosnia, not only as a terrorist corridor but also to facilitate a clear highway for narco-trafficking and weapons shipments.

Significantly, the Serbian Government within the union of Serbia & Montenegro, had, until the recent Serbian elections, attempted to ignore the growing incitement to a new outbreak of violence and unrest on the part of the Muslim community of southern Serbia (Raška) and Kosovo because it did not wish to be seen to be drawing attention to the growing Muslim agitation. However, this action merely allowed the process to continue to build without any major intelligence or policy focus on the problem. The issue was compounded by the fact that two major international oversight bodies — the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in Sarajevo, Bosnia, and the German-controlled command of UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) — both sided with radical Islamists and known war-criminals also, presumably, to avoid the appearance of being anti-Muslim.
The warnings of this wave of violence were explicitly clearly and starkly forecast by GIS/Defense & Foreign Affairs reports over the past year, and specifically on October 15, 2003, Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily, in a report entitled Strong Warning Indicators for New Surge in European Islamist Terrorism, which noted:

Intelligence sources in the Balkans and Middle East indicate that the Iranian and Osama bin Laden terrorist networks, assets and alliances built up in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Albania, Macedonia, Southern Serbia and elsewhere in the Balkans are preparing for significant new slate of operations. Initial operations in this “new slate” have already begun in Kosovo, and are expected to expand in southern Serbia in late October and into November 2003.
The intelligence, from a variety of primary sources within the Islamist movements, points to:

1. Escalation of Islamist terrorist attacks on Serb civilians within the predominantly Muslim region of Kosovo and Metohija in the Serbian province of Kosovo;
2. Commencement during October-November 2003 of seemingly-random bombings of public places, including schools, in Muslim-dominated cities in the southern Serbian/northern Montenegrin Raška Oblast (this oblast, or region — not a formal sub-state as in the Russian use of the word “oblast” — is referred to by Islamists by its Turkish name, Sandzak) as a prelude to wider violence in this area, and eastern Montenegro, adjacent to the Albanian border and reaching down to the Adriatic;

3. Coordination of incidents by the so-called “Albanian National Army” — a current iteration of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, or UCK: Ushtria Clirimtare e Kosoves, in Albanian; OVK in Serbo-Croat) — in Kosovo and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia with activities in Raška, led by the Bosnian radical Islamist party, SDA (Party of Democratic Action) of Alija Izetbegovic, and all supported by Albanian Government-approved/backed training facilities inside Albania, close to the border with Serbian Kosovo;

4. Escalation of incidents — including threats, political action, terrorist action — within Bosnia-Herzegovina, designed to further polarize the Serbian and Croat population away from the Muslim population;

5. Eventual escalation of “incidents” to create a “no-go” area for Serbian, Montenegrin, Republica Srpska security forces and international peacekeepers in a swathe of contiguous territory from the Adriatic through Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, Southern Serbia and Macedonia into Bosnia-Herzegovina, effectively dissecting the Republica Srpska state (which is within Bosnia-Herzegovina) at the Gorazde Corridor and isolating Montenegro;

6. Using the extensive save-haven areas and “no-go” zones created by the actions, undertake a range of terrorist actions against targets in Greece — which is contiguous with Albania and (FYR) Macedonia — during (and possibly before) the August 2004 Olympic Games. Specific intelligence points to the fact that the Islamist groups have already predetermined target opportunities during the Games.

News sources indicated on March 18, 2004, that NATO could dispatch nearly 2,000 additional troops to Kosovo, including 750 from the United Kingdom, to deal with the new unrest. As of March 18, 2004, after only a few days of unrest, it was understood that 35 NATO troops had been injured. Some 350 extra troops were already being sent in, including US and Italians from Bosnia, as well as British forces. The UK Government then announced it was sending 750 new troops into Kosovo. At least 14 people had been reported killed in Kosovo as a result of the new fighting, much of which centers around the divided town of Mitrovica; hundreds have been injured.
A crowd of Albanians, estimated at 3,000 strong, attacked the UN police station in Mitrovica before crossing the city's main bridge and heading into the Serbian side where there were exchanges of machinegun fire and hand-grenades. The Albanian groups were seen to be in possession of heavy automatic weapons and grenades. It had been claimed that the Albanians had mobilized to attack Serbs who had allegedly chased several boys into a river where three of them were drowned, ostensibly in retaliation for an earlier (and confirmed) drive-by shooting in which a Serbian youth was killed.

However, UNMIK spokesman Derek Chappell said on the night of March 18, 2004, that the survivor of the March 17, 2004, Ibar River drowning had told his parents that he and three friends entered the river alone and were immediately caught up in the heavy current. The boy managed to reach the opposite bank of the river, but his three companions were swept away. It was clear that the Albanian forces were mobilized and ready for the assault and that the story about the drownings was merely used as a convenient claim on which to base the attacks.

But what seemed clear was the the German-run UNMIK forces were totally unprepared for the outbreak, despite the warnings and knowledge of Islamist plans for such actions. As a result, UN forces were known to have withdrawn rather than protect Serb areas and Serbian Orthodox churches, which were supposedly to be protected as cultural heritage sites. The Kosovo Force (KFOR) units fared somewhat better, using rubber bullets and tear gas, but they, too, were unprepared for the scale of the operations conducted by the Albanians.

A German spokesman had, in recent months, made clear anti-Serbian remarks, highlighting the biased nature of the supposedly impartial international force supposedly administering Kosovo with the support of KFOR military units and police provided by donor nations [a Polish police unit was in charge of the area of Metrovica when the incident occurred]. UNMIK had, additionally, on several occasions, tried to overturn international warrants and criminal proceedings against one of the key Kosovo radicals, known war criminal Agim Ceku, who was now working as the Commander of the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC), which was, in fact, created out of the narco-terrorism organization, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA/UCK).2

The October 15, 2003, GIS/Defense & Foreign Affairs report also indicated that Ceku’s KPC was directly engaged in support of Albanian-trained Islamist terrorists, noting:

“During the first half of August 2003, 300 Albanian-trained guerillas — including appr. 10 mujahedin (non-Balkan Muslims) — were infiltrated across the Albanian border into Kosovo, where many have subsequently been seen in the company (and homes) of members of the so-called Kosovo Protection Corps which was created out of Kosovo Albanian elements originally part of the KLA. In fact, the Kosovo Protection Force seems almost synonymous with the Albanian National Army (ANA), the new designation for the KLA. The guerillas were trained in three camps inside the Albanian border at the towns of Bajram Curi, Tropoja and Kuks, where the camps have been in operation since 1997.”
All of the warning signs are there for an escalation of substantial proportions, both in Kosovo and in neighboring areas. On March 18, 2004, Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily highlighted the confluence of Islamist terrorist activities in 2004, in a report entitled Terrorism, the Olympics and Elections: the 2004 Confluence. What that report made clear was the fact that the March 11, 2004, bombings in Madrid were a precursor for the “season” of violence, and the success of the actions there in shaping the political outcome of the Spanish general election gave strong impetus to the actions planned for the Olympics, the US and elsewhere.
The campaign to paint the Serbs as the aggressors included references, picked up by international media, that Serbia & Montenegrin forces and/or internal security forces from the Republic of Serbia were deployed to move back into Kosovo. Serbian Premier Vojislav Kostunica said on March 17, 2004, that “our military and police units are not deployed along the administrative line with Kosovo-Metohija”. Speaking at a news conference after the Serbian Government's special session held to discuss the clashes in Kosovo-Metohija, Kostunica said that news about the army and police presence at the administrative line dividing Kosovo province from the rest of Serbia were misinformation spread on purpose in order to justify a further radicalization of the situation.3

This was confirmed by intelligence sources on the ground in Kosovo; there were no Serbian military or police deployments in the area.

Similarly, reports of the sacking of a mosque in Belgrade by Serbs was also distorted, largely to cover the fact that a significant number of Serbian Orthodox churches had been destroyed by the Albanians in Kosovo: destructions which were witnessed, and not prevented, by UNMIK forces on some occasions. There was, however, an incident at the mosque in Belgrade, and a GIS source witnessed the incident on March 17, 2004, and noted: “Hooligans — and that’s what they really were: drunk kids, 17 to 22 years old — pillaged the interior of the mosque as well as the madarasa [Islamic school].” The source said that the teenagers lit a fire in front of the mosque, but did not damage it.

UN Police Director for Information in Kosovo, Derek Chappell, noted on March 17, 2004: “In the past weeks there have been a number of incidents that have escalated tension. We had a hand grenade attack on the residence of President of Kosovo last Friday, we have had four or five hand grenades thrown on the streets of Priština, we had a bomb left on the front of UN headquarters two weeks ago and a Serbian youth was shot in a drive-by shooting this last Monday evening [March 15, 2004]. These incidents have tended to create a feeling of fear and uncertainty and last night we had three Albanian youngsters who drowned in a river, allegedly as a result of being chased into the river by Serbs, and this seems to have been the catalyst that finally drove people into the streets and we saw this violence that erupted today [March 17, 2004].”

However, as noted in repeated reports by GIS since mid-2004, the escalation was planned, and — because of pressures to move US and other forces out of the area to aid Iraq deployments — NATO intelligence and planning officials downplayed the threat.

The matter was not helped when, in recent weeks, former US Clinton Administration State Dept. Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke said that the break-up of the former Yugoslavia was not yet complete: it required that Montenegro and Kosovo be broken off to form separate sovereign states. A number of officials from the region told GIS that they thought that this comment must have reflected official positions in Washington. Almost certainly the statement by Holbrooke gave encouragement and incitement to the new wave of attacks in Kosovo.

Meanwhile, on the night of March 18, 2004, Serbia & Montenegro Pres. Svetozar Marovic convened a special session of the Serbia & Montenegro Supreme Defense Council, to discuss the latest escalation of clashes. The Council issued a statement that which said that it was following with great concern the escalation of organized violence in Kosovo and Metohija, and was calling on, and expecting from, UNMIK and KFOR, as well as from other international institutions, to ensure the protection of the lives of Serbs and Montenegrins and of their property in Kosovo and Metohija and to fulfill other commitments undertaken under resolution 1244. The Supreme Defence Council supported the contacts of relevant bodies of Serbia and Montenegro, the Serbian Government and the Army of Serbia and Montenegro with international institutions and expressed a readiness of the Army of Serbia and Montenegro to lend assistance to the international forces for stabilizing the situation in Kosovo and Metohija in keeping with resolution 1244, within the mandate of KFOR and UNMIK.

The Supreme Defense Council, along with the existing activities of the Army of Serbia and Montenegro, ordered the Chief of Staff to follow the situation and to suggest to the Supreme Defense Council what measures should be taken next. Apart from the chairman and members of the Council, Acting Pres. of Serbia Predrag Markovic and Montenegrin Pres. Filip Vujanovic, also took part in the meeting, along with Serbian Premier Vojislav Kostunica, Serbia & Montenegro Defense Minister Boris Tadic, Deputy Defense Minister Vukasin Maras, Chief of Staff Gen. Branko Krga and Supreme Defense Council secretary Col. Ljunisa Jokic.

Fewer than 20,000 KFOR troops remain in Kosovo, and the few Serbs who remain there still live in ghetto conditions; very few who fled during the fighting in 1999 have returned to their former homes. Serbs now represent only about 10 percent of Kosovo’s two-million population.

It would, however, be unwise to focus solely on the Kosovo incidents without seeing them in the light of regional developments and the larger picture, including operations in and related to the ongoing peacekeeping operations in Iraq. Significantly, as the Kosovo operation itself got underway, al-Qaida senior leader Ayman al-Zawahiri was reportedly being besieged by Pakistan Army forces in southern Waziristan, in the Pakistani tribal areas. Ayman al-Zawahiri, and his brother Mohammed (currently in an Egyptian prison) organized and led much of the terrorist, mujahedin and narco-trafficking arrangements in both Bosnia and Kosovo. And these arrangements remain central to al-Qaida and Iranian strategic operations to move from defensive operations against the US-led Coalition forces to strongly offensive operations in the run-up to the 2004 US elections.

Footnotes:

1. The attempt to create a Muslim belt from the Adriatic Sea up into the heart of Europe has been known for many decades by the Islamists as the “green transversal”, the green standing for the Muslim color (although, ironically, it is also the color of the Orthodox Christians), and transversal meaning a line or path on the ascendant. The Bosnian Muslims, even during the Tito era, managed to inject the name onto sports stadium in Sarajevo, now the capital of Bosnia & Herzegovina. The Zetra Stadium specifically stands for ZElena (Green) TRAnsverszala, in Serbo-Croat.

2. See Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily, October 23, 2003: Slovenia Arrests Key Kosovo Islamist, Based on Serbia-Montenegro Indictment. And Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily, March 5, 2004: UN Mission In Kosovo Continues Protection for KLA Leader Ceku. See also Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily, February 11, 2004: Report on Albanian Criminal-Terrorist Links Providing Key Intelligence for Olympics Security, “War on Terror”.

3.. See Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily, November 17, 2003: New Balkans Islamist Weapons Supply Line Tied to 9/11 Players and Contact of Holbrooke. And Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily report of September 17, 2004: Bosnian Official Links With Terrorism, Including 9/11, Become Increasingly Apparent as Clinton, Clark Attempt to Justify Support of Bosnian Militants.

 

> > Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy, February 2004
> > Early Warning
> >
> > Deception? Or Self-Deception?

> > By Gregory R. Copley
> >
> > THE ADAGE ABOUT Nero fiddling while Rome burned is becoming an apt
metaphor for the persistent manner in which a range of officials from a
number of countries have persisted in denying the existence of a radical
terrorist and insurgency threat in Bosnia, southern Serbia, Albania and
Macedonia while that threat grows in capability, hardens in intent and moves
into action. Of particular concern is the linkage of this threat to the
Summer 2004 Olympic Games in Athens. But there is also, tied to this refusal
to view the current threat, a refusal to admit that past policies may have
been flawed.
> >
> > These denials and refusals come in the form of lies - major lies - by
officials, including officials up to ambassador rank in the US State
Department, and by such people as the High Representative for Bosnia &
Herzegovina. These officials use threats and blackmail, and abuses of
authority granted to them by their governments and the international
community in order to remove or intimidate those who disagree with them.
> >
> > Significantly, all of this is going on "below the radar." It has yet to
reach the level of a public outcry in the US or European media; it has not
forced its way to the top of the agendas of the President of the United
States, or the European Union leadership. What does it entail?
> >
> > Firstly, a significant number of officials of the US Department of State
remain in posts in the Balkans, assigned to them by the former Clinton
Administration. These officials prosecuted the Clinton policy in the
Balkans: the policy which used an array of false claims to instigate a war
which violated both US law and international law in many respects. As a
result, it behooves these officials to ensure that nothing is done which
questions the legitimacy of the myths and lies which were used during that
period. Indeed, it is vital to these officials that nothing be done which
could disturb their careers or their professional legacies.
> >
> > It is now at the point where the "old hands" even believe many of the
lies they have perpetuated about the wars in Bosnia and the former
Yugoslavia. They cite some of the media reporting at the time, forgetting
that these reports relied on the lies - some of them damned lies - which
they and their colleagues issued at the time. They have created a mythology
based on shibboleths, and they now not only recite it, but believe it.
> >
> > In intelligence, this is called "drinking your own bathwater."
> >
> > In this deception or self-deception, they see it as vital that they
continue to punish many innocent people who know the truth of what happened,
and to uphold many of those who are now known, absolutely and without
question, to have been all the time engaged with terrorist leader Osama bin
Laden and the Iranian Government, and with narco-trafficking.
> >
> > To now question the terrorist supporters and narco-traffickers with whom
they have shown more than a decade of allegiance - and to admit that they in
fact present a threat to Bosnian and European stability, and to the safety
of the Olympics - would be to open up a Pandora's Box in which the radicals
and narco-traffickers could and would expose their links with these
officials. So these officials dishonor their government and stand by and
watch threats mount, all the time seeing the innocents of the war continue
to be punished.
> >
> > Secondly, in the case of the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in
Bosnia & Herzegovina, there is grave bias to the point of criminal
distortion of reality, for the same reason. To admit that the US and some EU
members were wrong in supporting the radical Islamists under the late
Bosnian leader Alija Izetbegovic and his SDA party, would be exposing the
whole basis for the imposed Dayton Accords of 1995 to question.
> >
> > As a result, although the Bosnian Serbs - now deprived of much of the
lands they owned and farmed for centuries and herded into an enclave state
known as Republica Srpska - have thoroughly abided by the Dayton Accords,
and have created a prosperous, harmonious and tolerant society, the OHR and
a rump element of the US State Dept. is determined to destroy it. They would
rather see a radicalized Islamist terrorist state - not a moderate and
tolerant, democratic Muslim state, which the Dayton Accords envisaged -
swallow up the Bosnian Serbs' remaining land, and have the embarrassing
sight of the Serbs removed. Embarrassing because the continued existence
(and particularly the success) of the Bosnian Serbs only serves to remind
these officials that they had deliberately aided the terrorists and the
"ethnic cleansers."
> >
> > As a result, there is a deliberate policy among these officials to lie,
and lie profoundly and without hesitation, about the history of the war. In
particular, they lie about the so-called "Srebrenica massacre," and refuse
to even discuss internationally-undertaken forensic evidence, preferring to
steamroller arguments by citing disproved claims and ensuring that at no
stage will evidence of a concrete nature be allowed to surface. The OHR and
the US Embassy in Sarajevo have attempted to bully and suppress, as well,
the officials and reporting of the Republica Srpska's liaison bureau with
the International Criminal Tribunal on the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
> >
> > Officials of the OHR - including the Deputy HR, US Ambassador Donald
Hays - and US State Dept. officials in Bosnia and Serbia-Montenegro have
made it clear, repeatedly, to people on the ground in their host countries
that they expect the US Bush Administration to be removed at the next US
Presidential elections in November 2004. At that point, they have indicated,
former Clinton Administration Officials, such as former Assistant Secretary
of State Richard Holbrooke (responsible for much of the prosecution of the
Clinton war in Bosnia and against Serbia) would return to positions of
power. Hays even introduced Holbrooke in late 2003 in Bosnia as "the next US
Secretary of State."
> >
> > So it is clear that these officials do not speak for the US Bush
Administration, even though they draw on its weight to bully and intimidate.
They work against the US; they work against the success of the Dayton
Accords. They actively work to illegally overturn those Accords and to see
Republica Srpska removed from the map. And by continuing to protect the
terrorist supporters in Bosnia, they actively assist in the
narco-trafficking which is part of the terrorism phenomenon, and they will
share great responsibility should all of this result in a major terrorist
action against the Athens Olympics.
> >
> > It is significant that, despite the arrogant statements of Bosnia High
Representative Paddy Ashdown to the effect that there is no al-Qaida or
terrorist presence in Bosnia, the Greek Government - obviously reluctant to
admit a threat to the Olympics for fear of deterring would-be visitors to
the Games - has begun to take urgent steps to acknowledge and deal with the
terrorist threat emanating from Bosnia and Kosovo, and the related
territories controlled by the Islamists and narco-traffickers in Albania,
southern Serbia (outside the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija) and
Macedonia.
> >
> > Why, then, does the US Government and the EU continue to tolerate
adamant positions by people such as Ashdown and Hays, denying the threat and
covering up the links of the past between the terrorists and
narco-traffickers and the Clinton Administration, and attempting to destroy
the Dayton Accords in the process?
> >
> > Admittedly, the State Department's "no threat" scenario has enabled the
US Defense Department to withdraw peacekeeping forces from Kosovo and
Bosnia, to meet urgent needs in Iraq and Afghanistan. Perhaps that is one
reason the policy of deceit by anti-Bush State Dept. officials has been
tolerated by the Pentagon and White House.
> >
> > But it is a house of cards, a game approaching its denouement.
>